quinta-feira, outubro 29, 2026

When did we stop discussing ideas and start defending sides? To better understand how feelings have come to override programmatic positions in Portugal, this segment analyzes the direct impact of affective polarization on the behavior of Portuguese voters: In Portugal, we didn't discover "a vaccine" against hyper-partisanship; we just imported it later. The debate of ideas about structural reforms (such as justice, demography, or productivity) is constantly swallowed up by the tactical urgency of defending the trench of each bloc, whether right, left, far left, or far right. This transition didn't happen in a single day, but most historians, political scientists, and sociologists point to the late 1980s and early 1990s as the period when global politics (especially Western politics) began to radically shift the focus of proposals to "group identity." The shift from debating ideas to "defending sides" (hyper-partisanship and affective polarization) was driven by a combination of historical, technological, and media factors: 1. The End of the Cold War (1990s) • Fall of the Berlin Wall: With the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the great ideological debate of the 20th century (Capitalism vs. Socialism) lost momentum. • Ideological Vacuum: Without a major alternative economic model to discuss, the political debate migrated from economics to culture, morality, and identity. 2. The Media Revolution (1980s–1990s) • End of the "Doctrine of Impartiality" (USA, 1987): The repeal of this rule allowed the birth of openly partisan television and radio channels (such as Fox News and conservative radio stations), where the business model became confrontational entertainment. • 24-Hour News Channels: To fill broadcast time, factual journalism was gradually replaced by fiery debate panels, transforming politics into a sporting spectacle. 3. The "Target" of Political Campaigns (2000s) • Political Scientists: Authors like Alan Abramowitz demonstrate that, starting in the 2000s, voters began to align themselves not because they particularly liked their party, but because they rejected and feared the opposing party. This is called affective polarization. • Identity Politics: Voting became a declaration of "who I am" and "what tribe I belong to," not a choice about which health plan or tax rate is best. 4. Algorithms and Social Networks (2010s) • Echo Cameras: The emergence of Facebook, Twitter (X), and recommendation algorithms designed to retain attention through outrage solidified the "sides." • Social Reward: Discussing nuances and complex ideas generates little engagement; attacking the "opposite side" generates likes, shares, and tribal validation. In short, we stopped discussing ideas when politics realized that mobilizing through fear and identity is much more effective (and profitable) than mobilizing through the complexity of arguments. But there is a Portuguese political reality. The Portuguese political reality lived for decades under a kind of "exceptionality." While the rest of the Western world polarized at high speed, Portugal remained an oasis of moderate bipolarity based on the peaceful alternation between the Socialist Party (PS) and the Social Democratic Party (PSD). However, the transition from the debate of ideas to the "defense of sides" arrived in force in Portugal and consolidated itself in the last decade. The global phenomenon is reflected in the Portuguese reality through various dynamics and concrete data: 1. The Breakdown of the Central Bloc and the Political Triangle. For years, the debate in Portugal was based on nuances of governance (who manages the National Health Service better, who slightly lowers the income tax). From the mid-2020s onwards, the system has radically transformed: a) The system evolved into a tripolar system with the rise and growth of Chega, the reconfiguration of the right (IL and CDS), and the fragmentation of the left. b) Election campaigns stopped focusing on detailed macroeconomic proposals and started focusing on "red lines," sanitary cordons, and mutual exclusion ("we don't talk to these people"). The debate became about "who can govern with whom," and not about "what to do with the country." 2. The "Hidden" Affective Polarization: Recent studies by the Institute of Social Sciences (ICS) and ISCTE reveal a curious and worrying fact about Portuguese society: a) Two realities: More than half of Brazilians do not have a strong emotional connection with any party, maintaining a more distant attitude. b) Partisan hatred: However, among Portuguese people who are supporters or members of a party, affective polarization is very high. One in four Portuguese people admit to hating people who defend political ideas opposed to their own. c) c) Social silence: Around 25% of Portuguese people (rising to almost 30% in certain segments) admit that they prefer to remain silent and avoid talking about politics in their daily lives so as not to generate conflicts with friends or family. Politics has become a social minefield. 3. The Substitution of Arguments with "Labels": In the Assembly of the Republic and in the public media space, we are witnessing the same American phenomenon: the substitution of the technical scrutiny of a law with an attack on the morality of the proponent: a) Instead of discussing whether a housing or immigration measure works on the ground, the discussion focuses on labeling the proponent: on one side, they are accused of being "far-right," "fascist," or "racist"; on the other, they respond with "destructive socialism," "far-left," or "traitors to the homeland." b) The V-Dem Institute (Varieties of Democracy) report even warned that Portugal is experiencing setbacks and risks in democratic quality, driven precisely by the increase in this polarization and mobilization through fear. 4. The Youth Phenomenon and Social Networks: Data indicates that three-quarters of young Portuguese people express a polarized view of politics. Distrustful of traditional parties, younger generations in Portugal get their information almost exclusively through platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and X (formerly Twitter). In these spaces, Portuguese politics is consumed in the form of 15-second clips of parliamentary debates — where what matters is not the proposal presented, but who "crushed," "humiliated," or "destroyed" the opponent. When did we stop listening to those who think differently and start believing that only we are right? We may want less government and better public services. And we remember that helping those in need does not mean taking away people's will and freedom to build their future. Less bureaucracy and waste; we want good health, education, justice, and support for those in need. We can defend merit and responsibility without ceasing to be compassionate.

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