sábado, julho 12, 2025

"In times of universal lies, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." George Orwell (1903 - 1950)

"In times of universal lies, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." George Orwell (1903 - 1950) Just like fake news, so-called alternative truths that are nothing more than falsehoods, lies, conspiracy theories, and algorithms are being used to spread hate and fear, and no one in good faith has any doubt that this was a way to influence elections. According to a recently published article in Political Research Quarterly, fake news poses risks to democracy by reducing our ability to know (epistemic risk), respect others (moral risk), and participate equally in the political process (participatory risk). As Albert Einstein said: "Time is an illusion. The only reason time exists is so that everything does not happen at once." So let's put an end once and for all to the myth that the Socialist Party (PS) has ALWAYS been responsible for the IMF (International Monetary Fund) interventions in Portugal. This is simply false, and it's incomprehensible how the Socialist Party (PS) itself, perhaps buried in the absolute shame of always being linked to the problem, doesn't bother to demystify this children's story. But now, the real facts, not "false narratives" that always seek to hide the millions some made at the expense of the fanatical, or to steal from the Portuguese people in general. When the first bailout occurred in 1977, the Portuguese government was effectively led by a socialist, Mário Soares. But the PSDB was also in that government. Carlos Mota Pinto was there. Even the oracle of moralists, Henrique Medina Carreira, was there. He was Minister of Finance. Didn't he also have responsibilities? Furthermore, Portugal was still recovering from 40 years of dictatorship, and the turbulent and unstable transition was still making itself felt. In addition to the oil crisis that hit Europe violently in the 1970s, I have no interest in defending Mário Soares; I recognize that he was one of the last great politicians Portugal had and that he avoided a civil war. But I despise this kind of cheap propaganda from some old right-wingers, old fogies from the days of the National Union, which is why it omits the fact that Salazar turned to the IMF (Decree-Law 43,338 of November 21, 1960, signed by Américo Thomaz and, soon after, by the President of the Council of Ministers, António de Oliveira Salazar). Mário Soares was prime minister (since July 1976) at a time when Portugal was still dealing with the consequences of decolonization and the authority of a Revolutionary Council (which was in fact in charge). In 1976, the deficit had been 13 percent. Goods such as bread, sugar, and rice were rationed, gasoline was in short supply, and the escudo devalued 20 percent between 1977 and 1979. The IMF can still attribute the political consequences of having forced the parliamentary agreement between the Socialist Party (PS) and the Social Democratic Party (CDS), which would be reflected in the formation of the second constitutional government. The second intervention, in 1983, occurred during the period of the so-called central bloc, an alliance government between the Socialist Party (PS) and the Social Democratic Party (PSD), led by Mário Soares. It was practically a national emergency government, created because it was considered the best way to combat the country's dire economic situation. This second bailout further ridicules the idiots who boast about trying to blame the PS exclusively. Especially the far-right neoliberal puppet idiots, almost all of whom are now members of the "CHEGA" party, but some returned to power within the PSD. The second bailout occurred in 1983, with a central bloc government that included the PS and the PSD. Was Mário Soares prime minister? Yes, he was. But this doesn't erase from history the fact that the PSD was part of this government, a government preceded by a completely right-wing government that nearly destroyed Portugal, with the PPD, CDS, and PPM parties, and which ended with the resignation of Prime Minister Pinto Balsemão. Isn't this government also responsible for this intervention? After all, the propagandists of the national right, especially those loyal to the PSDB, have no shame. It should be noted that the following year, the Central Bloc government fell, and the PSD governed in a minority, with the PS reduced to 21 percent and the newly born PRD reaching 18 percent. This was followed by Cavaco's first absolute majority and the beginning of a period of growth sustained by IMF and European funds. Today, we are still suffering from Cavaco's mismanagement. According to Miguel Cadilhe, it was during Cavaco Silva's government that the Portuguese public administration became the third most expensive in Europe. Between 1985 and 1994, during the Cavaco period, public sector wages grew by 90%. The IMF's third intervention is the one we can attribute to the Socialist Party, if we exclude variables with a direct impact on the problem, such as the international crisis, which experts say is the largest since 1929, or the legacy of decades of spending, incompetence, and poor management. or the legacy of decades of spending, incompetence, mismanagement and corruption with the backing of the PS and PSD, occasionally transported by Caldas' taxi. After all, it was six years of José Sócrates and company, with PPPs popping up on every corner, and the bankers laughing, led by that sinister figure, Engº Angelo Correia (we suffered the effects of CIRVER in Chamusca, which "presided over" another sinister figure, Passos Coelho. (Everyone knows that between the ages of 25 and 37 he was in detox). As Mahatma Gandhi said: "Just as a drop of poison spoils a whole bucket, so a lie, no matter how small, spoils our whole life." But it's worth remembering that Passos Coelho helped precipitate what some today see as inevitable, but which we will never know if it was or not. Even Durão Barroso and Angela Merkel applauded PEC IV, and the chancellor herself did not hold back in criticizing the irresponsible opposition of Passos Coelho/Portas for hindering the hypothetical solution. We know today that, as usual, power spoke louder, and either there were elections in the country or in São Paulo. Caetano (Marco António Costa, then general secretary of the PSD). Passos Coelho chose the party and the power. We also know the commitment of the Passos Coelho and Antonio Borges government (now deceased, but the true "godfather") to go beyond the Troika and the results of their choices: a continuous widening of the gap between rich and poor, mass emigration, widespread precariousness, a brutal increase in the tax burden, deterioration of working conditions, the deterioration of the NHS, disinvestment in education alongside increased transfers to private education, where numerous PS and PSD leaders have vested interests, and an agenda for the next four years with one priority: dismantling the welfare state. If they want to exterminate what remains of social democracy, fine, it's a party decision, and those members who aren't happy can figure it out. But don't deceive the Portuguese anymore. SCP. That's why some say the right has to learn to live with it. (The study of the history of Portugal's contemporary external public debt can begin in 1830. Indeed, despite all the external loans contracted up to that point, there was no significant external public debt when the decisive phase of the civil war between the absolutist government and the constitutionalist rebels began. More specifically, neither Portuguese participation in the wars with revolutionary and imperial France (1793–1795, 1801, and 1807–1814), nor the problems that led to Brazil's independence (suspension of the colonial pact in 1808; proclamation of a United Kingdom of Portugal and Brazil in 1815; declaration of independence in 1822) led to the permanent existence of a significant external public debt, because the debt arising from the wars with France was paid with the reparations of the Treaty of Vienna (1815), and the debt arising from later incidents became Brazilian debt in 1825 as the price for recognizing independence. The main financial consequences of those events are discussed, but we need not address them here. A more detailed study of this period is, of course, necessary, but impossible. To do so in this context, he completed his work at the end of the year, at which time Sinel de Cordes went to London. Thus, early in January 1927, the war debt renegotiation agreement, signed on the last day of 1926, was announced in the press. This process converted almost all of the foreign floating debt into amortizable debt, free of interest, which had accumulated under the previous arrangement, and paid in periodic installments until 1988. The total amount was identical to what the Portuguese State owed at the time of the renegotiation (approximately 24 million pounds). To remember how Passos Coelho and the PSD ripped off retirees and pensioners. Extraordinary tax of 10% + solidarity tax of 3.5% + 2% ADSE (1.5 to 3.5) + 7.14% vacation pay + 7.14% Christmas bonus, which all adds up to 29.78%, plus the increase in the average IRS rate of 7.11%, which all Together, it stole 36.89% of the income of those who work. There's also the increase in VAT from 17% to 23%, the increase in fuel prices, etc., etc., etc., do they want that again? The Constitutional Court declared nine and a half failures for illegalities committed by Passos Coelho. Let's just mention the remuneration aspects. The third rejection covered four articles of the State Budget (OE) (29th, 31st, 77th, and 117th), corresponding to a new cut in the vacation bonus for public employees and pensioners, as well as cuts of 6% and 5% in unemployment and sickness benefits, respectively, representing 1.3 billion euros. Three months after the first veto by the Constitutional Court, the suspension of vacation and Christmas bonuses for public employees and retirees with incomes above 600 euros was also deemed unconstitutional, citing "a violation of the principle of equality." This measure would have covered approximately 1.065 billion euros. Subsequently, the Constitutional Court rejected the law on the convergence of public and private sector pensions. The 2014 State Budget, whose review was requested by opposition parties and the Ombudsman, was rejected. We should all try to prevent the idea that one bad apple spoils the whole. The basket settles, and it's not even worth voting. It's always worth it. It's the duty of those who know the difference between the country they have and the country they want. As someone once said, "A lie travels halfway around the world before the truth even has a chance to take hold." To our politicians today, almost all of whom don't even know the history of Portugal, I leave here a quote from our poet António Aleixo: "The bread left over for the rich, distributed with justice, would satisfy the hunger of the poor, and there would still be bread left over." And with the certainty that, as one of our greatest politicians (Mário Soares) said: "Only those who give up fighting are defeated!" WE WILL NEVER GIVE UP! https://www.publico.pt/2025/07/10/opiniao/opiniao/eis-designio-ad-destruir-economia-2139785 "This is the plan of the current AD government of Luís Montenegro: Destroy the economy, again! It's not just businesses that will have to adapt to the decline in immigrants. It's also nursing homes, daycare centers, daycare centers, and hospitals. (Pedro Adão e Silva, July 10, 2025 – O Público newspaper) (Nostalgic, vengeful, belligerent, and blindly ideological, he is sinking the country.)

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